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ED 391 992 



CG 026 717 



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Violence among Children, Adolescents, and Young 
Adults in Maine: Part I • 

Maine State Dept, of Human Services, Augusta. 

Mar 94 

MCH‘“015‘-10A72006; MCH-015-10A-2106 

44p.; For ”Part II — Recommendations**, see CG 026 

808. 



Department of Human Services, Division of Maternal ^ 
Child Health, State House Station //ll. Augusta, ME 
04333 (l imited avai lahi 1 i 
Reports ~ Evaluat i ve/Feas i 









MF01/PC02 Plus Postage. 

Adolescents; Aggression; Ant'i^ocj.al Behavior; 
Children; Crime; *Crime Prevention; *Data Collection; 
Del inquency; Elementary Secondary Education; 
’^Incidence; Information Needs; State Action; State 
Legislation; State Programs; ^Statewide Planning; 
Victims of Crime; ^Violence; Young Adults; Youth 
Problems 
*Maine 



ABSTRACT 

Teens and young adults in Maine are at greatest risk 
for being either the offender or the victim of violence. At present, 
prevention activities in Maine are limited and fragmented. This 
document marks the beginning of a study of incidence and impact of 
violence among Maine y<^uth. The process involved in conducting this 
was s ign i f i cant ly hampeted by the absence of adequate data to 
describe the problem. Data collection is a necessary first step in 
the attempt to red -e youth violence in Maine. Broad recommendations 
to guide the state in addressing youth violence prevention are; (1) 
designate a lead agency responsible for convening an 
interdepartmental task force to' more thoroughly study the causes, 
impact and solutions to violence among Maine youth; (2) require 
systematic collection of data, to document inc idence and impact of 
yO''th violence; (3) require state agencies to review their policies, 
regulations and procedures to assure that these policies protect and 
strengthen families; and (4) enact legislative measures that will 
reduce the risk of childhood death and injury from violence. 
Extensive statistics, surveys and interviews provide currently 
avai lable data. Appendices include: leading causes of child death; 
legislative resolve; and other Maine studies. (JBJ) 



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* Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made 

* from the original document . 

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S767 1 7 



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Violence Among Children, 
Adolescents, and Young 
Adults in Maine 






PARTI 

February 1994 










Presented to; 

The Joint Standing Conunittee on 
Human Resources and the Executive Director 
of the Legislative Council 

Presented by: 

The Department of Human Services, 

Bureau of Health, Maternal and Chilld Health 



uc 



jdU'MI ,1. . 





TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PAGE 



Executive Summary 1 

Background 4 

Introduction 6 

Incidence of Youth Violence in Maine 12 

- Statistics 1 3 

- Surveys 22 

Interviews 27 

Footnotes 33 

Appendix 

- Leading Causes of Child Death 35 

- Legislative Resolve 36 

- Other Maine Studies 38 



r 





For additional copies please contact 
Department of Human Services 
Division of Maternal & Child Health , , 

State House Station #11 j 

Augusta, Maine 04333 



Tel: 207-287-3311 or 1-800-698-3624 





Parable 



There was a man who stationed himself at the bottom of a waterfall. He saw 
above him children tumbling over the edge, being bruised, maimed, and 
killed on their way down. The man devoted his life to medically treating these 
children after their fall. In fact, he even got his community to raise money to build 
a hospital at the bottom of the waterfall for injured children. He learned that some 
of these children had been pushed over the edge, so he got his law enforcement 
agency to seek out these perpetrators, and he got the taxpayers to build a new 
courthouse and prison at the bottom of the waterfall for the offenders. Finally, 
along came another man who said, "Why don't you just go up to the top of the 
.i/aterfall and put up a sign saying 'DANGER - DON'T SWIM NEAR HERE' or teach 
the children at the top to stay away from the edge?" The man replied, "1 don't 
have time because 1 have to treat these children who have already fallen. And 
besides, that would cost money." 

From; Kenneth Dodge, Ph.D., John F. Kennedy Center, Vanderbilt University 




® 1990, Illustration by Bonnie Acker 



EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 



In April 1992, a 15 year old boy from Saco killed a man by hitting 
him with a baseball bat; in February 1993, at a Lake Region school, 
outbreaks of violence sparked by racism caused increased concern 
about discipline and loss of control; in December 1993, Portland police 
linked a stabbing with a gang dispute; and a Lewiston youth plead 
guilty to an October shooting that wounded three individuals. 

All one needs to do is read the headlines in Maine newspapers to 
realize that we are not immune to the escalation of violent acts 
committed by children, teens and young adults. Teens and young 
adults are at greatest risk for being either the offender or the victim of 
violence. This growing problem threatens the health and safety of our 
next generation. It is perceived that juvenile offenders are younger, 
they are committing more serious crimes, and there is more group 
violence. There is a growing feeling among Maine professionals that 
action mast be taken before things get worse. According to Dr. Lani 
Graham, Director of Maine's Bureau of Health, "We didn't wait until 
Maine had as many cases of AIDS as New York to organize a campaign 
to prevent the spread of AIDS in our State. Violence prevention needs 
to be addressed now; the health consequences of violence are 
enormous." 

The literature suggests that the causes and effects of violence in our 
society are complex and interrelated. Significant contributors to 
violence include poverty, unemployment, racism, substance abuse, 
availability of guns, inadequate or abusive parenting, adult models of 
violent problem-solving behavior, and frequent exposure to violence 
through the media. As social programs have been cut and the 
economy has declined over the past decade, violence in homes, 
schools, and communities across the nation, and in Maine, appears to 
have worsened. 

In 1989, 18.5% of Maine's children were living in poverty. This is 
an increase from 15.3% in 1985.’ It is estimated that poverty rates in 
Maine have increased by 30% since 1980.^ The rate of child deaths 
from firearms increased by 22% from 1980 to 1990.^ Firearms have 



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replaced motor vehicles as the leading cause of injury death in six 
states. In Maine, we are seeing a similar phep'^menon; deaths from 
motor vehicle crashes have been declining while deaths from firearms 
are definitely on the rise. The largest increase was due to suicides; 
about two-thirds of child firearm deaths are suicides.^ The commission 
of hate crimes in Maine in recent years has prompted the Maine 
Attorney General's Office to launch a statewide educational campaign 
geared towards schools. 

Violence among youth is not random, uncontrollable, or inevitable. 
Many factors, individual and societal, contribute to an individual's 
propensity to resort to violence, and many of these factors are within 
our power to change. Increasingly, many have come to realize that the 
problems we face must be addressed by all of society. No one 
organization can solve this problem alone. Successful preventive 
efforts require the commitment, cooperation, and coordination of 
resources from both the public and private sectors. At present, 
prevention activities in Maine are limited and fragmented. To arrest the 
spread of violence before more children, teens and young adults are 
lost, we must set effective policies, coordinate our efforts, and spend 
our resources wisely. Informed, comprehensive public policy designed 
to reduce and prevent violence is needed at all levels of government. 

This document marks the beginning of a study of the incidence and 
impact of violence among Maine youth. The process involved in 
conducting this study was significantly hampered by the absence of 
adequate data to describe the problem. If we are to earnestly attempt 
to reduce youth violence in our State, consistent and ongoing data 
collection is a necessary first step. Broad recommendations to guide 
the state in addressing youth violence prevention are listed on the next 
page. Part Two of this study will elaborate on specific steps that could 
be pursued, including recommendations for Legislative action, 



RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION 



■ Designate a lead agency responsible for convening an 
interdepartmental task force to more thoroughly study the causes, 
impact and solutions to violence among youth in Maine. The task 
force should identify data needs and data sources and make 
recommendations to the Legislature on the design of a uniform data 
collection system. 

■ Require systematic collection of data, based on task force 
recommendations, to begin in calendar year 1995, to document the 
incidence and impact of youth violence. These data should also be 
used to evaluate the success of interventions. 

■ Require state agencies to review their policies, regulations and 
procedures to assure that these policies protect and strengthen 
families. 

■ Enact legislative measures that will reduce the risk of childhood 
death and injury from violence. 







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BACKGROUND 



The 1 1 6th Maine State Legislature passed a Resolve to study the 
extent of the problem of violence among children, teens, and young 
adults in the State (H.P. 927 - L.D. 1 250). The Department of Human 
Services, Bureau of Health, Division of Maternal and Child Health was 
charged to conduct the study in collaboration with the Department of 
Corrections, the Office of Substance Abuse, and the Bureau of Children 
with Special Needs. The Resolve required that recommendations be 
made to the Joint Standing Committee on Human Resources and the 
Executive Director of the Legislative Council outlining steps to reduce 
the incidence and impact of violence among children, youth, and young 
adults. 

In response to the Resolve, the Division of Maternal and Child Health 
directed the study from August 1993 through February 1994. This 
report describes available data, includes findings from current literature, 
reports the results of written surveys conducted with professionals and 
young people and explores opinions from in-depth interviews with 
professionals working with youth. Little work was done to determine 
the financial burden of youth violence. It is generally accepted, 
however, that the costs of treatment far exceed the costs of 
prevention. 

A committee comprised of representatives from multiple agencies 
was assembled to conduct this study. The committee met regularly to 
guide its direction and development. This report is a collective effort 
on the part of the Bureau of Health, Division of Maternal and Child 
Health (staff Cheryl DiCara, DeEtte Hall and Zsolt Koppanyi, MD) and 
the following individuals: 

■ Roxy Hennings and Bob Pendleton, Department of Corrections 

■ Marlene McMullen-Pelsor, Office of Substance Abuse 

■ Bob Durgan and Jim Harrod, Bureau of Children with Special 
Needs 

■ Ann Sheehan and Dana Hall, Bureau of Child and Family Services 

■ Christine Bartlett and Tom Harvey, Department of Education 

■ Sylvia Lund, Interdepartmental Council 

■ Captain Charles Love, Department of Public Safety 

■ Christine Zukas-Lessard, Bureau of Medical Services 



Technical assistance was provided by staff of the Margaret Chase 
Smith Center for Public Policy who assumed major roles in conducting 
telephone interviews, drafting the report and analyzing Maine data. 
Suzanne Hart of the Edmund M. Muskie Institute conducted and 
analyzed a survey of professionals for the Division of Maternal and 
Child Health. Theresa Kerchner conducted a thorough review of the 
literature. The Office of Data, Research and Vital Statistics assisted 
with the analysis of data and produced the statistical charts for the 
report. Illustrations were contributed by Bonnie Acker, an artist who 
lives in Burlington, Vermont. 

This report would not have besn possible without contributions from 
many other individuals too numerous to list here. To all those who 
consented to be interviewed, those who helped administer surveys, to 
the many individuals we called, and especially to our staff, we extend 
thanks. 



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INTRODUCTION 



Contributing factors: 

Violence is a multifaceted and deep-seated problem. In researching 
the literature, theories describing causes of violence ranged from 
biological to environmental. Violence is intimately intertwined with 
many major social problems for which there are no simple solutions. 

For the purpose of this report, violence was defined as INTENTIONAL 
PHYSICAL ACTS COMMITTED BY YOUTH, WITH OR WITHOUT THE 
USE OF WEAPONS, WHICH RESULT IN PHYSICAL INJURY OR DEATH 
TO SELF OR TO ANOTHER PERSON. Although child abuse and neglect 
and domestic violence are certainly factors in youth violence, the focus 
of this report is interpersonal and self-inflicted violence in which 
children, teens, or young adults are the offenders. 

It is difficult to separate domestic violence from interpersonal 
violence. There is a strong relationship between them. All too often 
those individuals affected by domestic violence also experience 
interpersonal violence in their lives. The same societal attitude which 
tolerates violence in society also tolerates violence within the home.'^ 

Most studies on violence described in the literature focused on urban 
areas. Little mention is given to rural areas except for noting a 
correlation between isolation and violence. The nature of violence in 
rural areas is an area deserving of further study. 

The United States ranks first among the industrialized nations in the 
rate of violence related-deaths.^ Americans embrace violence as part 
of our culture. We glorify interpersonal violence and aggression in our 
movies and in our sports. Our toy stores are stocked with guns and 
they are coveted by children.® Violence is seen as an acceptable way 
to solve disputes. All these factors together promote violence 
throughout society. Young males seem more vulnerable to these 
messages than any other group of individuals.^ 

Experts in the field of violence prevention have pointed to a variety 
of factors that contribute to the violence found in our society. The 
Amer'can Psychological Association's report "Violence and Youth: 



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Psychology's Response" identifies a child's history of previous violence 
as the predominant predictor of that child's involvement In violence. 
Criminal offenders frequently have a history of experiences related to 
rejection, broken homes, brutality, family discord, severe deprivation, 
or instability. The witnessing of acts of violence in the home, 
inconsistent and physically abusive disciplinary techniques, and 
parental rejection of the child are all documented as contributors to 
aggressive behaviors. ® 

The literature is replete with references pointing to poverty as one of 
the core elements of violence. A correlation between poverty and 
violence is well documented in the literature. Poverty not only affects 
relationships within the family but also affects the community. In 
communities where poverty is prevalent there is often little support for 
children. In these communities not only families but also schools lack 
the resources to address the needs of children. Unemployment 
damages the self-esteem of parents and can lead to family disruption. 
The disintegration of families often results in poverty with excessive 
burdens placed on women who are single parents. Children without 
supportive families and without positive adult male role models may 
turn to gangs or antisocial groups of teens to provide each other with 
support and recognition.® "Isolation is a killer. We must anchor all 
children with people who care, give them responsibilities for others, 
harness their energies to help solve community problems, and 
communicate to them that they are needed and valued, every one of 
them."® 

The problem of violence, however, transcends socioeconomic 
boundaries. No social group in our society is invulnerable. Other 
frequently cited causes of violence are lack of skills to handle conflict 
without violence, easy access to firearms, violence in the media, and 
the abuse of alcohol and drugs. Inherited factors, biological factors 
(e.g. fetal and birth trauma or head injuries) and mental illness are also 
important factors to be considered.® 

In 1990, handguns were used to kill 87 people in Japan, 68 in 
Canada, 22 in Great Britain, 10 in Australia, and 10,567 in the United 
States.® It Is relatively simple for youth to obtain firearms. In a survey 
conducted by Louis Harris Research Inc., in July 1993, 59% of 
students from 96 middle schools and high schools across the country 





said they could quickly obtain a handgun. There is widespread 
ownership of guns, with an estimated 40-50% of households in the 
nation owning guns. Half of these are handguns. The increased 
availability of handguns has made violence more deadly than ever 
before.^ 

The use of alcohol and drugs play a significant role in violence but 
this is not the root of the problem.’ Alcohol appears to dim inhibitions; 
drug use clouds judgement; their use is known to increase the 
likelihood of violence. In about 65% of homicides, the offender and/or 
the victim had been drinking. In about 55% of assaults in the home, 
alcohol was a factor.® In addition, certain illicit drugs are strongly 
associated with aggressive behavior.’ Among both young people and 
adults, violence often occurs in places where alcohol is consumed. 

Television and the movie industry also bear a heavy responsibility for 
glorifying violence.’ In 1982, a National Institute of Mental Health 
study of the literature documented the connection between media 
violence and aggression in children. The increase in the rate of 
suicides has also been correlated with m.edia violence. Violence is 
depicted as normal and painless. The Children's Defense Fund 
estimates that children watch about 21 hours of television per week.’^ 
A( cording to the National Institute of Mental Health, 80.3% of TV 
shows contain violent acts and a typical program shows 5.2 violent 
acts per show.’’ 

There are populations who are particularly vulnerable to violence. 
Girls and young women, gay and lesbian youth, and those with 
disabilities are at higher risk due to biases, discriminatory behaviors, 
and inequalities of power in our society.® 

Research has shown that males and females are both at risk for 
suicide; however, as boys generally choose guns rather than a less 
effective method, they are more often successful in their attempts. 

This trend is changing as more females select guns as their method of 
suicide. Adolescent suicide is frequently referred to as a permanent 
solution to a temporary problem. When teens feel their primary needs 
of security, achievement, trust, and friendship are not met, a sense of 
overwhelming powerlessness may result. Suicide may seem the only 
way out of their pain. It is normal for adolescents to experience major 




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fluctuations in their emotions. The combination of this developmental 
stage and easy access to firearms has too often resulted in suicide 
among teens. It is believed that the primary means of preventing 
suicide is the presence of a supporting, caring person who is able to 
connect with the youth. Decreasing access to firearms in the home 
can also be an important factor in preventing youth suicide. 

Possible strategies for prevention: 

Just as the contributing factors to the problem of violence are 
extensive and varied, so must be the solutions to the problem. The 
literature strongly suggests that a public health approach to this 
problem be taken, similar to national campaigns against drunken driving 
and smoking. All facets of our social system including health, 
education, criminal justice, and social services must be involved.^ We 
must investigate a broad spectrum of solutions from changing societal 
attitudes toward violence to more specific approaches such as 
beginning conflict resolution programs in our local schools. 

It is less costly to society to prevent violence from happening than it 
is to treat or punish offenders of violence after the fact. Increasingly, 
we have come to realize that the problems must be approached at all 
levels In society. Successful preventive efforts require the 
commitment, cooperation, and coordination of multiple state and local 
resources. 

Strategies for home, school and community: 

In order to avoid violence stemming from biological causes (e.g. fetal 
alcohol syndrome, head trauma), we must assure appropriate perinatal 
care for all women, promote adequate health care for women and 
children, and encourage programs which prevent injury. ® 

Some promising work has been done by David Hawkins and others 
to identify the protective factors that foster resiliency in children.^® 
Studies show that positive school experiences can have a major impact 
on a child's resilience. Positive early school experiences and nurturing 
relationships with teachers contribute to a child's ability to cope with 
stress and trauma.’'^ Recapturing a sense of community is 
imperative. Children need a sense of belonging, to feel connected. 




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and a place where people are concerned about them. Communities 
must support parents in raising children. The American Psychological 
Association recommends primary prevention programs which assist 
parents in improving their ability to parent such as home visiting 
programs and parenting skills training. Programs which institute non- 
violent standards of behavior have proven successful. For example. 
Central Park East Secondary School in East Harlem began an 
anti-violence program. Their rules simply stated that there was to be 
no fighting, not even as a game. There was to be no threat of fighting, 
and in the event that someone broke a rule, no fighting back either on 
or off school grounds. The rules were clear and consistently enforced. 
The program was found to change the attitude of the students. It was 
reported that students "do not accept violence; students feel safe".^^ 

School-based prevention programs have been shown to reduce at- 
risk behavior.® Teaching conflict resolution skills to students has been 
found to be effective. Between 66-78% of teachers reported that 
students' behavior improved after the Resolving Conflict Creatively 
program began in New York schools.^® At a minimum, we must teach 
children to deal with aggression and violence.^® 

Attorney General Janet Reno states that we must look beyond gun 
control and prisons to address this problem. She says we must make 
sure parents are prepared to be parents, we must address domestic 
violence, we must intervene through our criminal justice and medical 
institutions, and we must encourage school programs that "teach 
children how to resolve conflicts peacefully without resorting to fists or 
knives or guns."’’ 



Components of a successful program: 

Several authors identified specific ingredients that make prevention 
programs successful. The importance of evaluation cannot be 
overemphasized. Information gained from evaluating program 
interventions is essential to determining the success or failure of the 
interventions. Through evaluation the following have been found to 
positively impact the success of programs: 




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At least one responsible adult is connected with the child 
and is attentive to his/her needs. 

Programs are community based with collaboration among 
l^^^community including the family, school, and agencies. 



Families, schools, peers and organizations are empowered to 
provide value-based, healthy and nurturing environments for 
all youth. 

Problems are identified and interventions made early . 

Basic cognitive and social skills such as refusal skills and 
conflict resolution are taught to all children. 

There are appropriate staff development opportunities for 
those responsible for programs.’® 

Peers are engaged in the interventions.’® 

Clear expectations are set and consistently enforced. 



INCIDENCE OF YOUTH VIOLENCE 

IN MAINE 



^ Meaningful statistical information on the incidence of interpersonal 

and self-inflicted violence among Maine youth is limited. This section 
will elaborate on what is known, however, it must be emphasized that 
this is only a small part of the story. For the purposes of this study, 
the following data sources were consulted: trauma registry reports; 
uniform crime arrest data and reports; vital statistics mortality data; 
hospital discharge data; census data; Attorney General's Office hate 
crime data; mental health program data; Maine Pregnancy Risk 
Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS); sexual assault crisis center 
data; and data from state-specific studies on juvenile offenders, mental 
health clients, high risk students and homeless youth. In addition, a 
survey of 5^2 helping professionals, in-depth interviews of 26 
professionals, and three surveys of 2800 youths were included in this 
study. The survey and interview data are based on the reported 
knowledge, attitudes and behaviors of respondents and are therefore 
most useful in describing the impact of youth violence in Maine. 

There are data to describe deaths from violence and we can use 
these data to make comparisons to national mortality rates. Deaths 
from violence are only the tip of the iceberg; however, it is extremely 
difficult to describe the incidence of violence that does not result in 
death. 

Data from hospital discharges are not useful in describing the 
occurrence of violence among Maine youth; less than half of these data 
are coded to indicate the reason for an individual's hospitalization. 
Uniform Crime Report data are limited in the following ways: the data 
count arrests, not convictions; not every youth is reported or caught; 
the numbers include multiple offences; and the data indicate only the 
age and sex of the offender and not of the victim. 



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WHAT ARE THE CAUSES OF DEATH 
AMONG MAINE CHILDREN? 



In 1992, approximately 62% of 



1-19 were due to injuries. 
Injuries take a higher toll on 



adolescents than any other age 
group; 81 % of total deaths to 
15-19 year olds from 1 989 
- 1 992 were from injuries. The 
overall death rate for 1 - 14 
year olds in Maine declined 
slightly from 1980 to 1992. 



The injury death rates of Maine children between the 
ages of 1 - 4 and 15-24 exceed national rates. 



Sourco of Data: Maine and National Vital Records, 1990 



Injuries are the leading cause of 
death for children. 



WHAT ARE THE CAUSES OF DEATH 
AMONG MAINE CHILDREN AGE 1-19? 



deaths to Maine children ages 



total death rate 





L'NIN'TEN'TICNAL INwURIES. rate per ico.ocd 




50 



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BEST COPY AVAILABLE 



The leading cause of injury death in 1992 was motor-vehicle related, 
but suicide was the second leading cause of death for 1 5 - 19 year 
olds and the second leading cause of death for 10 - 14 year olds (tied 
with cancer). The rate of suicide deaths for young people in Maine has 
been on the rise. The suicide death rate for 15-19 year olds 
increased from 9 per 1 00,000 in 1 980 to a rate of 1 4 per 1 00,000 in 
1992. A look at the 1 5-24 age group reveals a Maine suicide death 
rate of 15.49 per 100,000 as compared to national rate of 13.2 per 
100,000 in 1990. 

SU'CiDES: RATE PER 100.000 

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 10 20 



Source of Data: Maine and National Vital Records, 1990 




Homicide deaths are less of a concern for Maine youth. Homicide 
among Maine youth is well below the national average. In 1992, there 
were no homicide deaths among 15-19 year olds. The national death 
rate for 1 5 - 24 year olds from homicide was 19.9 per 100,000 in 
1990, the Maine rate for the same period was 2.86 per 100,000. In 
the four year period from 1 988 - 1 991 , 4 males and 2 females 
between the ages of 1 5 - 19 died as a result of homicide in Maine. 



A review of child deaths 
involving firearms from 1980 - 
1992 reveals a disturbing trend. 
The largest increase in child 
firearm deaths was suicides, 
accounting for about two-thirds 
of firearm deaths. For more on 
the leading causes of child 
injury death in Maine, see the 
appendix. 



W-A’ ■£ the C' TiREA^V related DEA>S 

AVCSG children age 0-15 BY CtJSf 
1980 - 1992 




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11 



The number of child deaths from fires set by children is another area 
of concern. Again, lack of appropriate data collection is a major barrier 
to describing the extent of this problem. In the five years from 1989 - 
1993, 13 children died in fires they or another child set (Fire 

Marshalls' Office Data). In the 1 3 year period from 1 980 - 1 992, 1137 
juveniles were arrested for arson, an average of 87 per year. 



WHAT ABOUT INJURIES THAT DO NOT 
RESULT IN DEATH? 

SeSf-lnflicted Injuries 



A Maine Department of Education survey of youth risk behaviors in 
1993 found that 1 1 % of teens responding had actually attempted 
suicide in the past year and that 4% had injured themselves seriously 
enough to require medical attention. 



Hospital discharge data for the 
four years from 1 988 - 1991, 
with only 40% of the records 
coded to indicate cause of injury, 
counted more than 500 females 
and 276 males admitted for 
self-inflicted injuries. These 
numbers exclude poisoning 
admissions and therefore 
reflect the more violent self- 
inflicted injuries. 



HOSPITAL ADMISSIONS FOR 
SELF-INFLICTED INJURIES 
BY AGE AND SEX 
MAINE. 1988 - 1991 

NUMBER OF AOMlSSlOSS. 19SC“1991 
200 300 ^00 









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BEST copy AVAILABLE 



WHAT IS KNOWN ABOUT ASSAULT 
INJURIES AMONG YOUNG PEOPLE? 



Hospital discharge data only illustrate what is known about injuries 
from assault that were serious enough to require hospital admission. 
We do not have data to describe assaultive injures that are treated in 
an emergency room or a physician's office, or are left untreated. 



Violence seems to occur more frequently among adolescent 
pregnant women (under 19) than among older pregnant women. In a 
recent one year period, eighteen percent of Maine's adolescent mothers 
reported being physically hurt by their partner or being in a physical 
fight during the 12 months before their baby was born; while 5% of 
older mothers reported being hurt. Of the adolescents experiencing 
physical violence, 47% were in a physical fight and 13% were injured 
by their partner. 



iCS= "A. ADViSSONS FOR ASSA^.T BY AGE A\Q SEX 
VA‘\“, 1953---991 



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SwV5iR cr AuV 55 CS5 
so 60 ICO 



< 

2 




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2 




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□ AGE <5 



■ AGE 5- 1 4 



□ AGE 15-19 



□ AGE 20-24 




"-VASSi^/C;S 
Ag . AS'J ^ S'AT.S" CS 



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From 1 980 to 1 992, the rate of arrest for juvenile crimes has 
increased. 

Violent crimes include: murder and nonnegligent manslaughter; 
manslaughter by negligence; forcible rape; robbery and aggravated 
assault. The number of male arrests was substantially higher than 
female arrests. 



Rate of Juvenile Arrests for Violent Crimes 




This graph illustrates the rate of arrests per 1 00,000 population 
calculated separately for males and females. The total arrest rate is 
based on both male and female arrests per total male/female 
population. 




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WHAT IS KNOWN ABOUT HATE VIOLENCE IN MAINE? 



Prior to 1992 there was no formal documentation of violence as the 
result of prejudice in Maine. In response to a Federal mandate charging 
states to collect data on crimes "motivated by religious, ethnic, racial 
or sexually-oriented prejudice," beginning in 1992, Uniform Crime 
Report arrest data will include the incidence of arrests for hate crimes. 
(S.P. 425 - LD. 1334) 



Attorneys in the Maine Attorney 
General's Office have begun to 
address the commission of hate 
crimes. From October 1992 to 
October 1993 their staff investi- 
gated 226 complaints. In these 
cases, many of the offenders 
were young males acting against 
other young males on or near 
school grounds. The victims in 
about 39% of these crimes were 
African Americans; 25% were 
homosexuals; and 9% were 
Jewish. 



WHAT IS IKE NATURE OF HATE VIOLENCE iN MAINE? 

226 COMPLAINTS ABOUT HATE VIOLENCE INVESTIGATED 
BY STAFF OF THE STATE DISTRICT ATTORNEY’S OFFICE. 




OFFJCE OF DATA. RESEARCH. AND V-TA. STATISTICS 
HATC Os 1J-C09 cart "ESKUAir^ 7.IM4 



Seventeen enforcement actions were brought to court by the 
Attorney General's Office during this one year period in Maine. By 
comparison, each year in Massachusetts, which has a full-time civil 
rights division, approximately 15-18 enforcement actions are taken to 
court. 



o < » 



In - 



BEST COPY AVAILABLE 



ttv ji. V J.i SIN Id'- 



THERE ARE LITTLE DATA AVAILABLE ON THE 
INCIDENCE OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN MAINE 



Out of 84 arrests for rape in 1989, 

1 5.5% of the offenders were under 
age 18 and 33.3% were between the 



The Uniform Crime Reports 
collects arrest, not conviction, 
data. Many rapes are thought 
to go unreported. A review of 
juvenile rape arrest data shows 
an average of 1 1 juveniles 
arrested per year, a rate 
increase of 28% in the four 
year period of 1989 - 1992 as 
compared to the four year 
period from 1 980 - 1 983. 



1 Data collected by the rape crisis 
j centers from rape victims in the State 
j documented 1,861 reported incidents 
j of rape in 1990 and 2,655 reported 
' incidents of rape in 1991, an increase 
' of about 30%. 



1990 ‘ 5 ?^ 





ages of 1 8 - 24. 

WHAT IS THE PERCENT OF YOJTHS 
among perpetrators Or. sexual VlO-ENCi? 

N=84 arrests for RAPE IN 1989 





A study on juvenile sex offenders in Maine was conducted by the 
Children's Policy Committee of the Interdepartmental Council in 1989. 
Eighty-nine percent, or 308 offenders were males, with a median age 
of fourteen. Eleven percent, or forty offenders were females, with a 
median age of eleven. The data revealed males and females between 
three and ten years old were proportionately the largest group of 
victims. The most frequent age of victimization for boys was eight, 
whereas for girls it was five years old. 



Only one percent of the offenders were strangers to their victims. The 
relaticnsnips between victims and offenders are described below. 



Relationship to Victim 

(N=341) 




Based on a survey of young sex offenders on Department of Human Services, 
Probation and Parole, and Maine Youth Center caseloads between 
July 1988 and June 1989. 




24 



ARREST DATA PROVIDE ONLY A SMALL PIECE OF THE 
PUZZLE OF YOUTH VIOLENCE IN MAIN£ 



Juvenile arrest data show an average of 89 arrests annually for 
aggravated assault from 1980 to 1992. According to Uniform Crime 
Report data, the number of juvenile arrests for rape increased from 7 to 
23, aggravated assaults from 78 to 98, other assaults from 479 to 
1116, and weapons charges from 30 to 66. 



JUVENILE AGGRAVATED ASSAULT ARRESTS 
(1980-1992) 



120 



TOTAL AGO ^AVATZ D ASSAULT ARRc ST S 




An Aggravated assault is an attempt or offer, with unlawful force or violence, to do physical injury to another. This 
type of assault is usually accompanied by the use of a weapon or other means likely to produce death or serious bodily 
injury. Attempts are included since it is not necessary that an injury result when a gun, knife, or other weapon is used 
which could and probably would result in serious personal injury if the crime is successfully completed. Assaults with 
personal weapons (hands, feet, fists) are scored as aggravated if there is personal injury requiring more than simple 
first aid to treat. 



Some police departments keep statistics on serious habitual 
offenders. Portland police data show that a small number of juveniles 
commit a large number of all juvenile crimes. In Portland, the average 
serious habitual offender has been arrested a dozen times. 



We do not know the percent of arrests where substance use or 
abuse was a factor. We do not know the age and gender of the 
victims of youth violence in Maine. We do not know what precipitated 
these violent crimes, or how many arrests were of repeat offenders. 
The data tell us nothing about the risk factors experienced by the 
youth who were arrested. 




oi- 



21 



BEST copy AWIMBLE 



WHAT IS KNOWN ABOUT YOUTH RISK 
TAKING BEHAVIOR? 



The Institute for the Study of High Risk Students at the University of 
Maine recently surveyed teachers of kindergarten through second grade 
regarding their perceptions of the most unusual behaviors of students 
in their classes. In response, seven of ten teachers described 
aggressive and violent behaviors towards peers, without apparent 
remorse.^’ 

A survey of 2422 Maine high school students was conducted in 
1993 by the Department of Education in cooperation with the U.S. 
Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control (CDC). The 
purpose of this survey was to collect information directly from youth 
about certain risk taking behaviors. The results of particular relevance 
to violence follow. 



HOW V,A\Y HiGH SCHOOL STUOr MS ENGAGE 
IN VIOLENCE-RELATED BEHAVIORS? 



PERCENT OF RESPONDEN'S 
0 10 20 30 ^0 50 



o 

> 

< 

r 



>- 



yi: CAL "RiATMEs: FOR S>.ICjDE 
ATTEVPT in last year 



CFFEREO/SCLD/GiVES DR^GS AT 
SC'iOOL IN ..AST YEAR 



VEO'CAL TREATMENT FOR FIGHT 
injur:ES (N las’ year 



iREatlned w/wea=»on at 
SChCOu in last year 



DRAS< A.CO^^CL AT 

sc~ccl s wAs: von’h 



IN PH^SICA.. FIGHT 
W/SOMEONE TriEY KNOW 



!\ A PHYS;CAL FlGHT 

w/fav:ly member 



IN A Pn^S CAL FlGHT 
.N LAST YEAR 



CCSS'DERED SUiC DE 
IN LAST year 



A''TEM3’E0 SviCOE 
IN LAST ^EAR 



CARRIED A WEAPON 
IN LAST MONTH 



DRANK A.CO^CL 
'N -AS' MCN’H 



CARR. ED A GUN 
IN LAST MONTH 



R-NKS -N A RCW 
N .AS’ VCS"“ 




50 



N :.^22 c- b:.-.:cL :■ 



SC-RCL ;rp- cs as.? .j 

''Cv*- gr^^AV c=< 

n-XI Cws 



V* s' Jl-*C ’.V ,s Sr RV crs 
:i c" da*a. asj ^ *a. s^a* s^'CS 

>C. 





V(Ci.lNCl i^ELATED behavior 



Many high school age 
youth were not included in 
the CDC study because they 
do not attend school. The 
Survey Research Center of 
the Muskie Institute at the 
University of Southern Maine 
was contracted by the DMCH 
to survey 200 of these youth. 
Youth from alternative schools, 
shelters, detention facilities, 
non-school job training, street 
programs, rehabilitation 
programs, and pregnant and 
parenting teen programs were 
polled. 



W-AT iS THE COMPARISON' 0" 
ViC_E\CE RELATED BEHAVIOR AMONG 
IN-SC-tOOL AND NOT-IN-SCHOOL ^OuTH? 



PERCENT OF RES^CsDiS'S 

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 

i 1 i i ^ : \ ! 





ccw»«Mt ct • 1 cr* rws 



WA sr, c' ^..vas Sl*?v cls 
O^TlCt or DATA. '^CSrA'^C-, *S? v 'Ai. S'AT'ST'CS 



HOW MANY OUT-OF-SCHOOL YOUTH 
ENGAGE IN VIOLENCE-RELATED BEHAVIOR? 



PERCENT CF respondents 



(r 

o 

> 

< 

X 

u 

m 

lx. 

o 

Uf 



IN PHYS'CAL FIGHT IN LAST YEAR 



IN PHYSICAL FIGHT 
W/SOMEONE KNOWN 



IN Physical fight w/boy 
girlfriend 



IN PHYSICAL FIGHT 
W/FAMILY MEMBER 



CARRIED A WEAPON 
IN LAST MONTH 



CARRIED A GUN 
IN LAST MONTH 



MEDICAL treatment FOR 
INJURIES IN LAST YEAR 



CONSIDERED SUICIDE 
IN LAST YEAR 



ATTEMPTED SUICIDE 
IN LAST YEAR 



MEDICAL treatment FOR SUICIDE 
ATTEMPT IN LAST YEAR 



DRANK ALCOHOL IN 
LAST MONTH 



5+ ORINKS IN A 
ROW IN LAST MONTH 




from alte.rnative schools, shelters, detention facilities, job 

TRAINING PROGRAMS. STREET PROGRAMS. REHAB PROGRAMS, PREGNANT k PARENTING TEEN PROGRAMS. 



SOURCEiUSU MUS<iE INSTITUTE. 1993 

KOSChL CN CwS 



main: dept of human services 
office of data, research, and vital statistics 



rCfluuAirv to. iisa 



A comparison of the responses 
of in-schooI and out-of-school 
youth revealed more reported 
violent behavior among males 
and females who are not in 
school. 




WHAT DO HIGH SCHOOL YOUTH SAY ABOUT VIOLENCE 

AMONG THEIR PEERS? 



A small sample (1 57) of students from two central Maine high 
schools were surveyed, using a revised version of the Muskie Institute 
survey. While we cannot make generalizations for all youth in the state 
on such a small sample, a brief summary of the results follows. 

The students were asked to indicate behaviors they had personally 
seen or known about from a list. Almost all of the students reported 
seeing or knowing of behaviors that threatened physical harm. 
Seventy-four percent knew of hatred of people who are different; 53% 
reported knowing of weapon carrying; 40% knew of suicides or 
attempted suicides; and 27% knew of gang or group fighting. 

The most important reasons given for violent behaviors follow; 
Seventy-six percent of students stated that violent behavior comes 
from hanging out with the wrong friends; 76% said it comes from use 
of drugs; 73% said happens because parents don't care; 72% blamed 
use of alcohol; and 64% stated that violent behavior occurs because 
people hate people who are different. 



WHAT ABOUT YOUTH RESIDING AT THE MAINE YOUTH 

CENTER? 



In 1993, 179 Maine Youth Center residents were surveyed. Thirty- 
one percent reported that they were in the custody of Department of 
Human Services. They reported that they first began to get into 
trouble in school in grades 4, 5 and 6; and that, on average, most 
dropped out of school in the 8th and 9th grades. They reported 
beginning to enjoy 'doing criminal things' between the ages of 9-12 
and that their first trouble with the police was between ages 11-13. 



HOW DO PROFESSIONALS VIEW VIOLENCE 
AMONG CHILDREN AND TEENS? 

Professionals Survey 



Through a contractual agreement between the DMCH and the 
Muskie Institute of University of Southern Maine, a mailed survey was 
distributed to school personnel, health educators, physicians, civil 
rights officers in local police departments, prosecuting attorneys, 
juvenile corrections personnel, municipal recreation directors, child 
abuse councils, religious organizations, treatment centers and 
residential group homes for troubled youth, and others who work with 
children and youth. Five hundred and forty-two professionals 
responded. Only two percent of respondents indicated that they were 
not aware of any violent behavior among children and teens in their 
communities. More than sixty percent reported that violence is a 
severe or very severe problem in their community. 



W.-AT PRCB_EVS DO PROFESSIONALS SEE 
:\ "HE.R COMMUNITIES? 



percent of respondents 

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 



V OLENCE A =RC3lEV 
IN C"--:R =A3TS 
C" VAI.NE 



VIOLENCE A SEVERE 
PR03-EN N OWN 
CCVVL.'M'P' 



- NOT AWARE C“ A 
E VIOLENCE 3RC3LEW 
2 IN ccvvjNirr 



r . 5 : FlGnTS 
A =R03LEW 



INTCi^ERANCE OF 
DJFrESENCES 
A 3R09LEV 



SJICIDE. 
SELF-VlTILATION 
A 3RC9LEM 




61 



76 




48 



R: 



^^ES OF V:C-E\T 8EHAV 
VERBAL “ARASSVE\“ 
AGGRESS.VE 3EhAV.CR 
"’■’TREATS Cr =n''SICAL -ARV 



FACTORS FOSTERING VIOLENT BEHAVIOR; 
ABUSE/VIOLENCE IN HOME 
DRUG/ALCCHOL USE 
LACK OF PARENTAL SUPERVISION 
TV k MASS M’ *>IA 
LOW SELF“ES.E.:m 
POOR parenting SKiLLS 
LACK Or ROLE MODELS 

N-542 SC-CC. ^ERSCSSE, . r-EA.TH EDUCATORS. PHYSIC ANS. POLICE OFFICERS. 
PROSECv,' SG ATTORN £S. CORRECTIONS PERSONNEL. CnlLD A3USE COUNCILS. 
RE.G.CUS 3C: ES. TREa"VES' CENTERS, GROUP HOMES FOR TROUBLED YOUTH. ETC. 

USM v.s< L ‘552 VA OF HUMAN SERViCtS 

OF-ICE or DATA. RESEARCH. ANO VITAL STATISTICS 
’■ics.tuj OS «o. »ii4 



o 

ERIC 



- 25 - 29 



BEST COPY AVAILABLE 




More violent behaviors were reported in urban than in rural areas, 
although all types of violent and aggressive behaviors were reported in 
urban, suburban and rural areas. 

Respondents were asked to identify what they felt were the most 
important factors in fostering violent behavior in youth. Consistent 
with the literature, factors mentioned most often were: abusive or 
violent home environment, drug and/or alcohol use, lack of parental 
supervision, TV and other media, low self-esteem, poor parenting skills, 
and lack of appropriate role models. 




® 1 990, Illustration by Bonnie Aker 




- O 






30 



IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS 



Extensive interviews were conducted by the Margaret Chase Smith 
Institute of the University of Maine. Twenty-six Maine professionals 
from law enforcement, mental health, medicine, education, juvenile 
corrections, probation and parole, foster care, sexual assault crisis 
intervention centers, group homes, homeless programs and family 
counseling programs participated. These interviewees interact with 
youth and families on a daily basis and are intimately acquainted with 
interpersonal and self-inflicted violence among youth. They were asked 
to describe violent youth behaviors, contributing factors, individual and 
community impact, and strategies for intervention and prevention. 

The following summarizes the strongest patterns in the interviewees' 
responses. There were many points of agreement among all twenty-six 
interviewees. They felt that the incidence of "random" violence in the 
State is still low, but that the incidence of family-centered, domestic 
and sexual violence is high. This concern was noted because exposure 
to family violence increases the likelihood that youth will turn to 
interpersonal and self-inflicted violence. 

There was a general sense that the problem of self-inflicted and 
interpersonal youth violence in Maine is becoming more serious in 
terms of frequency and severity. The interviewees observed that many 
of today's youth seem to have a greater tendency to quickly resort to 
violence. Interviewees reported observing more verbal violence, 
emotional violence (taunting, threatening, hatefulness toward 
vulnerable groups), and physical violence. They also felt that youth are 
displaying violence at earlier ages than in the past and that it often 
results in more serious injuries. "Juvenile crime has always existed, 
but today's youths have less parental supervision, are more violent and 
have better access to weapons. Soaping windows and stealing 
hubcaps have given way to armed robbery and aggravated assault. 
What were cuts and bruises 10 years ago are gunshot and knife 
wounds today." 

No one factor was described as the single cause of youth turning to 
self-inflicted or interpersonal violence. Interviewees suggested that 
youth exposure to or experience of one or more factors may lead to 




- 27-31 



violence. As stated by one interviewee - "If you add chemical abuse 
and a low maturity level together you may have violence. If you add a 
weapon to the Scenario then you have a potentially deadly 
combination. Add the perpetrator who was a victim of violence him or 
herself, a mental health problem or learning disability of some sort. ..It 
doesn't take much to make the right combination." 

Violence cuts across income-level, age, ethnicity, and geographic 
location. Many noted that certain factors increase the likelihood of 
youth resorting to interpersonal or self-inflicted violence. However, 
they also noted that to some extent all youth are exposed to or 
experience the factors that are known to contribute to the development 
of violent behavior such as child abuse, domestic violence, media 
violence, substance abuse in the home, youth alcohol and/or other 
substance use, and mental health disorders. They emphasized that the 
more isolated, helpless or hopeless a youth feels, the greater the 
chances he/she will resort to violence. 

Violence among the State's youth appears to be moving from an 
individual to a group violence problem. For example, in public schools, 
fights that used to be between two students now evolve into a series 
of fights between friends and/or allies of the original students. 

A lack of understanding about gang activity in Maine was noted by 
interviewees. Based on their professional experience, only three 
interviewees were able to comment on gang activity among youth. 

One individual noted that the media perpetuates a false stereotype of 
gangs; he cited a recent study by The National Institute of Justice 
which indicated that 37% of gangs are 'fighting gangs.' Fighting 
gangs practice assaultive behavior, use few or no drugs, and commit 
property crimes for pocket change. It was noted that police from 
southern and central Maine have observed this type of gang behavior. 
Law enforcement, education, and the social service system need to 
work together to prevent gang activity from developing in communities 
throughout the state. 

Professionals confirmed that little is known about cult activity in the 
State. "The State has to acknowledge that Satanism may be an 
issue...". "As a police officer I hear about it as a topic more often. It 
seems to surface more in a rural context." There were no known 




3 



- 28 - 



o 

Aw 



cases of actual cults in Maine. It was felt that some youth may use 
the language without truly practicing formalized ritualistic cult 
behaviors. 

Societal attitudes toward violence and its victims foster the 
perpetuation of youth violence. There is both acceptance and 
encouragement of violence as a means of solving problems and of 
achieving success in American culture. Through the media, violence is 
glamorized and at times magnified to provide an inaccurate picture of 
violence in our world. 

The acceptance of differences among people is not encouraged. 
"Celebrate everybody. We allow children not to appreciate people for 
who they are and what they are... Teach kids that disagreeing with 
someone's ideas does not mean that you cannot accept them as 
people." 

Today's youth are lacking in skills that would help them avoid 
violence. Low self-esteem was described by nearly every interviewee 
as a major contributor to the violent behavior of youth. The 
interviewees also noted that youth lack conflict resolution skills, don't 
know how to manage their feelings, and generally lack positive 
interpersonal skills. 

Witnessing and experiencing violence influences children's 
perception of these behaviors. Both through the media and in their 
immediate life experiences, children observe large amounts of real and 
perceived violence. This contributes to violent behavior by normalizing 
it; to some extent, youth become less sensitive to violence. Many 
youth learn violence from their home environment. If a parent is 
violent, children learn that this is the way to behave. 

Parents who feel worthless, disconnected, helpless or hopeless tend 
to raise children who feel the same. It was noted that many parents 
lack positive and effective interpersonal skills. People with poor 
interpersonal skills have limited alternatives for managing their 
emotions, solving problems, or settling conflicts. This increases the 
likelihood that their children also will lack these interpersonal skills. 




- 29 - 




Youth who use chemical substances are more likely to turn to 
violence. Alcohol and drug use among youth are seen as contributing 
both directly and indirectly to the problem of violence. Youth are often 
under the influence of a chemical substance at the time of a violent 
offense. Interviewees observed that, in their experience, youth who 
use alcohol are more likely to act violently than those who do not. 

As a society we do not recognize the contributions youth can make 
to improving the quality of life for themselves and their communities. 

Children have no political power. They are often left out of decision- 
making processes; their voices are seldom heard. Unless there is a 
problem, most children go unnoticed. "Few, if any, programs and/or 
agencies have done enough in involving youth. There is a tendency on 
the part of adults to think that they have all the answers and to treat 
youth as passive consumers." Many youth have too much 'empty 
time' with few options for constructive and meaningful ways to spend 
it. Several interviewees expressed discouragement with the lack of 
activities in the community in which youth could participate. "Children 
are not offered meaningful opportunities at young ages and their input 
has not been valued. ..kids seldom feel meaning in their lives and 
violence is a meaningful experience." 

A diminished sense of community means more isolation for youth. 

As a society striving for individualism we have become isolated and 
independent of each other. According to the interviewees, this has 
allowed the problem of violence to grow by creating a society lacking 
in shared values and support systems. Besides not having clear 
guidance about how to behave, youth become disconnected and 
detached. This detachment can lead to a decreased sense of respect 
for the self and others. This lack of respect makes it easier for youth 
to hurt themselves and other people. 

Resources (time, money, and human energy) are being utilized to 
react to this problem rather than to implement prevention programs 
which could help children to reach their full potential. 

Interviewees stressed that much of society's resources, including their 
organization's resources, go toward managing or intervening after 
violence has occurred. "We are losing a tremendous resource by 
letting these kids fall through the cracks..." "Teachers are forced to 



spend too much time dealing with this issue rather than educating.” 

There were strong patterns of agreement about prevention. There 
was consensus that a great deal is already known about how to 
effectively address this issue. We have learned much from other public 
health efforts, for example, smoking cessation, drinking and driving and 
the prevention of teen pregnancy. Responses indicated a belief that 
significant community support for prevention already exists, and what 
is lacking is coordination of efforts and resources. "The most urgent 
matter is redirecting policy. I believe policy needs to be set at the 
State and Federal levels." 

Although prevention stood out as the preferred direction, there was 
a definite feeling of urgency concerning intervention with youth already 
behaving violently. Throughout the interviews it was apparent that the 
complexity of this issue called for strategies on a variety of levels - 
individual, family, school, church and the broader community. "We 
have to find new ways to integrate our efforts. Often we work with 
the same families and we're totally disconnected." 

A strong recommendation to gear prevention strategies toward all 
youth was expressed because all youth are potentially at risk of turning 
to interpersonal or self-inflicted violence. Professionals described the 
inherent difficulty in implementing programs of prevention and 
intervention oriented toward youth determined "at highest risk" 
because; 



■ Youth and families are unique; a precipitating factor in one family 
may not be a precipitating factor in another family. 

■ It is not always known when and to what extent a risk factor 
exists in the home or elsewhere in a young person's life. 

■ Youth who have not been identified, because they have not yet 
acted out, will not benefit from targeted interventions. 

■ Targeted interventions emphasize and perpetuate a fragmented 
service delivery system rather than enhancing collaborative 
solutions. 




3'o 



31 



■ It may be too late for youth finally identified as 'highest risk'; they 
may be dead, locked into a cycle of truancy, have seriously 
impaired mental health, or have taken the life or jeopardized the 
well-being of another - the damage may be irreparable. 

While the lack of resources presents a challenge to addressing the 
issue of youth violence, interviewees believed that the problem goes 
beyond funding. Because we are committed to traditional ways of 
doing things, ways that do not consider the input of youth or that 
concentrate on intervention alone rather than including prevention, we 
are not making progress. The most frequently mentioned challenges to 
reducing youth violence were described as: 

■ A general lack of knowledge or awareness about the problem; 

■ A general denial of the problem by all types of people; 

■ The unwillingness of individuals to see the problem as their 
responsibility; 

■ The resistance of the community; 

■ Existing laws and policies that inhibit professionals from truly 
helping youth; 

■ The misunderstanding held by many that the problem can be 
remedied with short-term solutions; 

■ Kids who have been severely abused for so long that they are 
hard to reach. 

Regarding causes and strategies, it is worthwhile to note that the 
interview data were consistent with the information found in the 
literature. Maine professionals advocate approaches for prevention and 
intervention that are similar to current initiatives across the country. 
The interviewees expressed their long term support for the Division's 
work in this area and were willing to be solicited for further assistance. 





- 32 - 



FOOTNOTES 



1 . Kids Count Data Book. Annie E. Casey Foundation, 1 993. 

2. Bureau of the Census, Population Survey Report for the Nation and New England 1981 and 
1991. 

3. State of Maine Vital Statistics Data 

4. Osofsky, J. D. and Fenichel, E (Eds). Caring for Infants and Toddlers in Violent 
Environments . Hurt. Flealina and Flooe. Zero to Three Study Group on Violence with the 
National Center for Clinical Infant Program, 1994. 

5. Wilson-Brewer, Renee, et. al., "Violence Prevention for Young Adolescents; A Survey of 
the State of the Art", Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development Working Papers, 
September 1991. 

6. American Psychological Association, Violence and Youth: Psychology's Response, Volume 
I: Summary Report of the America Psychological Association Commission on Violence and 
Youth. 1993. 

7. Prothrow-Stith, Deborah, Deadly Consequences. Harper-Collins, Publisher, 1 991 . 

8. Calhoun, J. A. Youth Violence and a Wav Out . National Crime Prevention Council, 
Washington, D. C., 1988. 

9. Center to Prevent Handgun Violence. Facts About Children and Handguns. Washington, D. 
C., 1991. 

10. Valenti, Clorinda, Today's Lesson: Violence. New York School Boards, 1993. 

1 1 . Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Juvenile Justice of the Committee of the Judiciary 
United States Senate. Media Violence . Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office. 

12. Children's Defense Fund. Statistics on Youth and Violence Fact Sheet. Washington, D. C., 
1993 

13. Hicks, Barbara Barrett, Youth Suicide: A Comprehensive Manual for Prevention and 
Intervention . National Educational Services, Indiana, 1 990, 

14. "NAEYC Position Statement on Violence in the Lives of Children" , Young Children, 
September, 1993, 

15. Hechinger, Fred. Fateful Choices. Healthy Youth for the 21st Century. Carnegie Council on 
Adolescent Development, 1992. 

16. "Children and Violence", Report of the 23rd Ross Roundtable on Critical Approaches to 
Common Pediatric Problems, 1992. 

17. Bijiefeld, Marjolijn, "Youth Violence Crescendos Again", Youth Today . November/December, 
1993. 




3 



i 



- 33 - 



Dryfus, Joy. Adolescents at Risk . Oxford University Press, New York, Oxford, 1 990. 



Bailin, Michael J. D. "Attributes of Successful Programs for Adolescents that Work", 
Strengths and Potentials of Adolescent Proceeding, Symposium. New York Academy of 
Medicine. Vol. 67, #6, November/December, 1991. 

Hawkins, J. David and Catlano, Richard, et. al. Communities That Care. Jossey-Bass, San 
Francisco, 1992. 

Davis, William E., Institute for the Study of At-Risk Students, University of Maine, Private 
Correspondence, December 1993. 



APPENDIX 



3'J 

o 

ERIC 



LEADING CAUSES 



OF CHILD (AGE 0 - 19) 
INJURY DEATH - MAINE 



1984 - 1988 NUMBER 

PER 

1. MOTOR VEHICLE OCCUPANT 151 

2. FIRES 52 

3. FIREARMS 43 

(7 accidental, 34 suicides, 2 homicides) 

4. PEDESTRIAN 39 

5. DROWNING 30 

6. SUICIDE (EXCLUDING FIREARMS) 28 



1989 - 1992 

1. MOTOR VEHICLE OCCUPANT 156 

2. FIREARMS 55 

(7 accidental, 40 suicides, 8 homicides) 

3. FIRES 27 

4. DROWNING 20 

5. SUICIDES (EXCLUDING FIREARMS) 18 

6. PEDESTRIAN 15 



TOTAL 1984 - 1992 



1. MOTOR VEHICLE OCCUPANT 307 

2. FIREARMS 98 

(14 accidental, '^4 suicides, 10 homicides) 

3. FIRES 79 

4. PEDESTRIAN 54 

5. DROWNING 50 

6. SUICIDE (EXCLUDING FIREARMS) ■ 46 



4U 

o 

ERIC ' ’ 



AVERAGE 

YEAR 

30 

10 

9 

8 

6 

6 



39 

14 

7 

5 

5 

4 



34 

11 

9 

6 

6 

5 



APPROVED 



CHAPTER 



JUN 7'93 



?.2 



BY GOVERyjB 



RESOLVES 



STATE OF MAINE 

IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 
NINETEEN HUNDRED AND NINETY-THREE 



H.P. 927 - L.D. 1250 

Resolve, Directing the Bureau of Health to Study the 
Problem of Violence among Children, Teens and Young Adults 



Emergency preamble. Whereas, Acts and resolves of the Legislature 
do not become effective until 90 days after adjournment unless 
enacted as emergencies; and 

Whereas, injuries are the 5th leading cause of death in Maine 
and the leading cause of death for residents under 35 years of 
age; and 

Whereas, suicide and homicide represent about 1/3 of total 
injury deaths; and 

Whereas, during 1989 and 1990 in Maine, male assaults on 
females accounted for 75% of the total number of assaults and 
another 6% were assaults on children by parents; and 



Whereas, during 1989, of 
substantiated victims of abuse, 48 
and 541 had minor physical injuries; 



2,257 children who were 
had major physical injuries 
and 



Whereas, it is known that children growing 
families may exhibit aggressive, disruptive 
siblings and schoolmates, delinquency and violence; 



up in violent 
behavior with 
and 



Whereas, in the judgment of the Legislature, these facts 
create an emergency within the meaning of the Constitution of 
Maine and require the following legislation as immediately 
necessary for the preservation of the public peace, health and 
safety; now, therefore, be it 




1-1295(3) 

- % - 41 



Sec. 1. Study to identify extent of violence among children. Resolved: That 

the Department of Human Services/ Bureau of Health, Division of 
Maternal and Child Health shall study available data to identify 
the extent of the problem of violence among children, teens and 
young, adults in the State. The Division of Maternal and Child 
Health shall collaborate with the Department of Corrections, the 
Office of Substance Abuse and the Bureau of Children with Special 
Needs in conducting this study. In addition to identifying the 
problem, the study must assess the need for further steps, 
including any legislation necessary, and make recommendations 
that would reduce the incidence and impact of violence among 
those at highest risk in a report to the Joint Standing Committee 
on Human Resources and the Executive Director of the Legislative 
Council by November 1, 1993. 



Emergency clause. In view of the emergency 
preamble, this resolve takes effect when approved. 



cited in the 



2-1295(3) 





- 37 - 



OTHER MAINE STUDIES 



Righthand, Ph.D., Sue, Young Sex Offenders in Maine . Committee on Child Sex Abuse 
Research Task Force, September 1989. 

Juvenile Co’ ' "ction in Maine: An Action Plan for the 1990's . Juvenile Correction 
Planning Commission, March 1989. 

Olney, Ph.D., Rachel, Self-Destructive Behaviors and Teen Suicide . Child & Adolescent 
Service System Project, March 1986. 

Parker, Susan B., Report of the Commissioner's Task Force on Self-Destructive 
Behaviors and Teen Suicide . Department of Mental Health and Mental Retardation, 
December 1987. 

Report of The Juvenile Justice Subcommittee . Childrens' Policy Committee, August 
1988. 

Report of Maine Committee on Primary Prevention . Committee on Primary Prevention, 
January 1989. 

Clary, Bruce B., Ph.D., and Olney, Rachel, Ph.D., Mental Health and Other 
Characteristics of Homeless Adolescents: A Descriptive Analysis of Multi-agency 
Case Records. Portland Area Homeless Children's Mental Health Project. 

Female Offenders: An Afterthought. Task Force on Female Offenders, January 1 991 . 

Hart, Suzanne K., A1 Leighton, Mark Richards and Louise Olsen, Violence Among 
Children and Teenagers in Maine: Professionals View Violence Prevention, Edumund 
S. Muskie Institute of Public Affairs, December 1993. 

Maine's Common Core of Learning: An Investment in Maine's Future. Commission on 
Maine's Common Core of Learning, July 1990. 



O 

ERIC 



18 - 



43 



® 1 987, Illustration by Bonnie Aker 



Study Funded by MCH Block Grant 

015-10A-2006 

015-10A-2106 






John H. McKernan, Jr 
Governor 




■ ;* 












r. • ‘f. 



Jane Sheehan 
Commissioner 

\* 

In accordance with title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as amended by the Civil Rights Restofation 
Act of 1991 (42 U.S.C. §1981, 2000e et seq.). Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of *1973, as 
amended (29 U.S. §794), the Age Discrimination Act of 1975, as amended (42U.S.C. §6101 etseq.), 
Title II of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (42 U.S.C. §12101 et seq.) and Title IX of the 
Education Amendments of 1972, the Maine Department of Human Services does not discriminate on 
the basis of sex. race, color, national origin, disability or age in admission or access to or treatment or 
employment in its programs and activities. - 



Ann Twombly, Affirmative Action Coordinator, has been designated to coordinate our efforts to comply 
with the U.S. Department of Health and Human services regulations (45 C.F.R. Parts 80, 84, and 91) 
and the U.S. Department of Education regulations (34 C.F.R. , Part 106) implementing these Federal 
laws. Inquiries concerning the application of these regulations and our grievance procedures for 
resolution of complaints alleging discrimination may be referred to Ann Twombly at 221 State Street. 
Augusta. ME 04333, Telephone number: (207) 287-*3488 (Voice) or 1-800-332-1003 (TDD), or the 
Assistant Secretary of the Office of Civil Rights. Washington. D.C. 




44